25 Years after the Fall of the Berlin Wall: The Economic Integration of East Germany
Einzelveröffentlichungen,
2014
Abstract
Citizens of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) regained their civil liberties when the Berlin Wall fell 25 years ago. Since then, they have been able to travel freely and have been free to choose where to live and work. The fall of the Berlin Wall was quickly followed by preparations for German Unification at a speed unparalleled in history: the first free Volkskammer elections on 18 March 1990, the economic, monetary and social union on 1 July 1990, and finally, the unification of Germany when the GDR was included in the jurisdiction of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany. The integration of the economies of East and West Germany, however, has proven to be a drawn-out process.
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Economic Development in East Germany since German Unification. Results, Shortcomings and Implications for Economic Policy
Gerhard Heimpold, Mirko Titze
S. Collignon, P. Esposito (eds), Competitiveness in the European Economy, Routledge Studies in the European Economy, Bd. 29,
2014
Abstract
The contribution provides an overview on the economic development in East Germany after unification and draws conclusions for economic policy.
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Evaluation of the Main Achievements of Cohesion Policy Programmes over the Longer Term in 15 Selected Regions (from 1989-1993 Programming Period to the Present) (2011.CE.16.B.AT.015): Case Study Sachsen-Anhalt
Marina Grusevaja, Gerhard Heimpold, O. Schwab, K. Schwarze
Analyse: Bewertungen des Programmplanungszeitraums,
2013
Abstract
Sachsen-Anhalt’s regional development has been heavily determined by the transition from a centrally planned economy to a market economy after German unification in 1990. The process of transition took place during the 1990s as the formal rules associated with a market economy system were adopted. Nevertheless, a number of structural peculiarities which have their roots in the transition period continue to have an impact. This feature is not specific to Sachsen-Anhalt; it concerns all East German regions.
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The manufacturing sector in East German regions 20 years after German Unification – how sustainable is its economic structure?
Gerhard Heimpold
XII Meždunarodnaja naučnaja konferencija po problemam razvitija èkonimiki i obščestva. Red. Jasin, È. G., Nacionalnyj issledovatel’skij universitet /Vysšaja škola èkonomiki. Pri učasti vsemirnogo banka i meždunarodnogo valjutnogo fonda, Izd,
2012
Abstract
Nach einer massiven Deindustrialisierung in den frühen 1990er Jahren hat das ostdeutsche Verarbeitende Gewerbe wieder an Fahrt gewonnen. Vor diesem Hintergrund analysiert der Beitrag die dahinter stehenden intra-industriellen Branchen- und Funktionalstrukturen. Es zeigt sich, dass technologieintensive Zweige und hochwertige Dienstleistungsfunktionen unterrepräsentiert sind. Letzteres ist auch eine Folge des weitergehenden Fehlens von Headquarters in Ostdeutschland.
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Can Korea Learn from German Unification?
Ulrich Blum
IWH Discussion Papers,
No. 3,
2011
Abstract
We first analyze pre-unification similarities and differences between the two Germanys and the two Koreas in terms of demographic, social, political and economic status. An important issue is the degree of international openness. “Stone-age” type communism of North Korea and the seclusion of the population prevented inner-Korean contacts and contacts with rest of the world. This may create enormous adjustment costs if institutions, especially informal institutions, change. We go on by showing how transition and integration interact in a potential unification process based on the World Bank Revised Minimum Standard Model (RMSM) and on the Salter-Swan-Meade model. In doing so, we relate the macro and external impacts on an open economy to its macro-sectoral structural dynamics. The findings suggest that it is of utmost importance to relate microeconomic policies to the macroeconomic ties and side conditions for both parts of the country. Evidence from Germany suggests that the biggest general error in unification was neglecting these limits, especially limitations to policy instruments. Econometric analysis supports these findings. In the empirical part, we consider unification as an “investment” and track down the (by-and-large immediate to medium-term) costs and the (by-and-large long-term) benefits of retooling a retarded communist economy. We conclude that, from a South-Korean
perspective, the Korean unification will become relatively much more expensive than the German unification and, thus, not only economic, but to a much larger degree political considerations must include the tying of neighboring countries into the convergence process. We finally provide, 62 years after Germany’s division and 20 years after unification, an outlook on the strength of economic inertia in order to show that it may take much more than a generation to compensate the damage inflicted by the communist system.
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Challenges for Future Regional Policy in East Germany. Does East Germany really show Characteristics of Mezzogiorno?
Mirko Titze
A. Kuklinski; E. Malak-Petlicka; P. Zuber (eds), Souther Italy – Eastern Germany – Eastern Poland. The Triple Mezzogiorno? Ministry of Regional Development,
2010
Abstract
Despite extensive government support the gap between East and West Germany has still not been successfully closed nearly 20 years post German unification. Hence, some economists tend to compare East Germany with Mezzogiorno – underdeveloped Southern Italy. East Germany is still subject to sever structural problems in comparison to West Germany: lower per capita income, lower productivity, higher unemployment rates, fewer firm headquarters and fewer innovation activities. There are East German regions with less than desirable rates of development. Nevertheless, the new federal states have shown some evidence of a convergence process. Some regions have developed very positively – they have improved their competitiveness and employment levels. As such, the comparison of East Germany with Mezzogiorno does not seem applicable today.
According to Neoclassical Growth Theory, regional policy is targeted enhancing investment (hereafter the notion ‘investment policy’ is used). has been the most important instrument in forcing the ‘reconstruction of the East’. Overall, the investment policy is seen as having been successful. It is not, however, the only factor influencing regional development – political policy makers noted in the mid 1990s that research and development (R&D) activities and regional concentrated production networks, amongst other factors, may also play a part. The investment policy instrument has therefore been adjusted. Nevertheless, it cannot be excluded that investment policy may fail in particular cases because it contains potentially conflicting targets. A ‘better road’ for future regional policy may lie in the support of regional production and innovation networks – the so-called industrial clusters. These clusters would need to be exactingly identified however to ensure effective and efficient cluster policies.
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What Happened to the East German Housing Market? A Historical Perspective on the Role of Public Funding
Claus Michelsen, Dominik Weiß
Post-Communist Economies,
2010
Abstract
The paper analyses the development of the East German housing market after the reunification of the former German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany in 1990. We analyse the dynamics of the East German housing market within the framework of the well-known stock-flow model, proposed by DiPasquale and Wheaton. We show that the today observable disequilibrium to a large extend is caused by post-unification housing policy and its strong fiscal incentives to invest into the housing stock. Moreover, in line with the stylized empirical facts, we show that ‘hidden reserves’ of the housing market were reactivated since the economy of East Germany became market organized. Since initial undersupply was overcome faster than politicians expected, the implemented fiscal stimuli were too strong. In contrast to the widespread opinion that outward migration caused the observable vacancies, this paper shows that not weakness of demand but supply side policies caused the observable disequilibrium.
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Concerning the development of the debt level of the New Länder since the German unification
Sabine Freye
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
20 Jahre Deutsche Einheit - Teil 2 -
2010
Abstract
Die öffentliche Verschuldung ist deutschlandweit seit den 1990er Jahren deutlich angestiegen. Besonders stark fällt der Zuwachs in den Neuen Ländern aus. Diese waren durch die Bündelung der DDR-Altschulden im Kreditabwicklungsfonds nach der Deutschen Einheit fast schuldenfrei. Heute, 20 Jahre später, weisen einzelne Neue Länder einen Schuldenstand aus, der über dem Durchschnittswert aller Bundesländer liegt. Die Hintergründe für diese Entwicklung sind komplex und teilweise auch der individuellen Situation der einzelnen Länder geschuldet. Allgemein kann die stark angestiegene Verschuldung der Neuen Flächenländer in den 1990er Jahren auf die – aus heutiger Sicht – zu optimistische Einschätzung der Angleichung der Wirtschafts- und Finanzkraft der Neuen an die Alten Länder zurückgeführt werden. Darüber hinaus waren die Neuen Flächenländer un-terschiedlich stark vom transformationsbedingten strukturellen Umbruch und den daraus resultierenden Schwierigkeiten bei der Marktanpassung betroffen.
In Sachsen-Anhalt, das die höchsten Verschuldungskennzahlen der Neuen Länder aufweist, führte beispielsweise der Zusammenbruch der Grundstoffindustrie zu einer überdurchschnittlich hohen regionalen Arbeitslosigkeit und zu einer massiven Abwanderung der Bevölkerung. Noch immer hat Sachsen-Anhalt bundesweit den größten negativen Wanderungssaldo. Die Verschuldung des Landes, beispielsweise gemessen am Schuldenstand je Einwohner, steigt somit allein schon durch den Bevölkerungsverlust.
Ungeachtet dieser landesspezifischen Besonderheiten des Transformationsprozesses hat um die Jahrtausendwende bei allen Neuen Ländern eine schrittweise Veränderung in der Einstellung und im Umgang mit den vorhandenen Schulden eingesetzt. Die Haushaltskonsolidierung gewinnt zunehmend an Bedeutung. Ihre Umsetzung wurde außerdem durch den konjunkturellen Aufschwung der Jahre 2006 und 2007 unterstützt. Gegenwärtig werden die Konsolidierungsbemühungen der Länder allerdings durch die Wirtschaftskrise auf die Probe gestellt.
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What Happened to the East German Housing Market? – A Historical Perspective on the Role of Public Funding –
Claus Michelsen, Dominik Weiß
IWH Discussion Papers,
No. 20,
2009
Abstract
The paper analyses the development of the East German housing market after the reunification of the former German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany in 1990. We analyse the dynamics of the East German housing market within the framework of the well-known stock-flow model, proposed by DiPasquale and Wheaton. We show that the today observable disequilibrium to a large extend is caused by post-unification housing policy and its strong fiscal incentives to invest into the housing stock. Moreover, in line with the stylized empirical facts, we show that ‘hidden reserves’ of the housing market were reactivated since the economy of East Germany became market organized. Since initial undersupply was overcome faster than politicians expected, the implemented fiscal stimuli were too strong. In contrast to the widespread opinion that outward migration caused the observable vacancies, this paper shows that not weakness of demand but supply side policies caused the observable disequilibrium.
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The Standing of the East German Cities within the German System of Cities: An Interim Review on the Basis of Economic Indicators 20 Years after the German Unification
Peter Franz
Wirtschaft im Wandel,
20 Jahre Deutsche Einheit - Teil 1 -
2009
Abstract
Viele vereinigungsbedingte Hoffnungen der Ostdeutschen waren 1990 nicht nur auf eine Mehrung des persönlichen Wohlstands, sondern auch auf eine Verbesserung der Lage ihrer Städte gerichtet. Dies ist Anlass, die 13 größten Städte der Neuen Länder (ohne Berlin) mit ähnlich großen Städten in drei Regionen der Alten Länder (Süd-, Norddeutschland, Nordrhein-Westfalen) hinsichtlich ihrer wirtschaftlichen und finanziellen Lage zu vergleichen. Die für den Vergleich herangezogenen Indikatoren ergeben ein differenziertes Bild. Das in den ostdeutschen Städten erwirtschaftete Pro-Kopf-Einkommen liegt im Durchschnitt noch unter dem der westdeutschen Städte, und die Arbeitslosenquote ist nach wie vor in den ostdeutschen Städten am höchsten. Sie verfügen jedoch über verschiedene gute Voraussetzungen für die künftige Steigerung ihres wirtschaftlichen Ergebnisses: Dies gilt vor allem für die Qualifikation der Beschäftigten und für die Präsenz öffentlicher Forschung. Beide Indikatoren verhelfen den ostdeutschen Städten zu deutlichen Vorteilen gegenüber den Ruhrgebietsstädten. Dagegen erschweren die geringe Größe der Unternehmen und der zu geringe Besatz mit Unternehmens-Headquartern das weitere Wachstum. Im Unterschied zu den westdeutschen Städten haben die ostdeutschen Städte sehr geringe eigene Steuereinnahmen und sind stark von Finanzzuweisungen abhängig. Der vormals den Finanzspielraum einengende hohe Anteil an Personalausgaben konnte zwischenzeitlich reduziert werden. Angesichts der Fülle an Problemen, mit denen die ostdeutschen Städte in der Vergangenheit konfrontiert waren, ist der bisher erreichte fortgeschrittene Stand des Aufholprozesses hervorzuheben.
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